NOTES*
1. For a detailed description of Nîshapûr, its geographical position and its social structure, see R.W. Bulliet, The Patricians of Nîshapûr, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1972), chap. I, pp.4-27. See also G. Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (London 1966), p. 383ff.
2. The Tâhirids, who ruled from their capital Nîshapûr, were generally known as loyal to the Abbasids and as sincere upholders of the Sunna in the face of 'suspicious' religious activity (e.g. Shi'ite propaganda, mystical teaching, extreme asceticism, etc.): see C.E. Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties. (Edinburgh 1967), pp.99-100, 103-06; idem, 'The Tahirids and Saffârids" in The Cambridge History of Iran, IV, 1975, p. 98ff; A.H. Siddiqi, Caliphate and Kingship in Medieval Persia, (Philadelphia 1977) [= Islamic Culture, vols. 9-1l, l935-37].
3. On the expansion of Nîshapûr after the Muslim conquest and on the possible identification of some quarters (mahallât) with earlier villages (qurâ), see R.W. Bulliet, op. cit., pp.8-9.
4. See Ibid., pp. 11-13 and the sources cited there; on the irrigation system see Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Muqaddasî, Ahsan al-taqâsîm fî ma'rifat al-aqâlîm ed. M.J. De Goeje, (Leiden: E.J. Brill 1906), pp.299,329.
5. See Bulliet, op. cit., p.13 and the sources cited; on Mulâqabâdh, Nasrabâdh and al-Hîra, see also pp.92, 193 et passim; see also 'Abd al-Ghâfir al-Fârîsî, Al-halqa al-'ûlâ min ta 'rîkh naysâbûr al-muntakhab min al-Siyâq, ed. Muhammad Kâzim al-Mahmûdi, (Qum 1403/1982-3), no. 1, p. 7; no. 182, p. 97; no. 336, p. 196; on the number and size of the 'mahallât, see al-Muqaddasî, op. cit., p.315.
6. See section III: 2 below, and Bulliet, op. cit., Part II: Patrician Families, Introduction, pp. 85-88.
7. On the affiliation of Abû Hafs al-Haddâd, one of the main Malâmatî teachers, to Kurâdabâdh, a village on the north-eastern outskirts of Nîshapûr, see Sulamî, Tabaqât al-sûfîyya. ed. N. Sharîba, (Cairo 1953), p. 115; the nisba of Abû 'Uthmân al-Hîrî, the teacher of the second generation of the Nîshapûrî Malâmatîs, speaks for itself; for greater detail on these Malâmatîs teachers, see below.
8. See al-Muqaddasî, op. cit., p.326; for the complex problem of determining the origin and typology of the 'asabiyyât struggles see Bulliet, op. cit., pp. 30ff; see also W. Madelung, Religious Schools and Sects in Medieval Islam, (London: Variorium Reprints 1985), in particular "The Spread of Mâturîdism and the Turks," II, pp. 109-68, and "The Early Murji'a in Khurasan and Transoxania," II, pp.32-39.
9. Madelung, op. cit. pp. 109, 114. On the persecution of the Shâfi'ite-Ash'arites of Nîshâpûr by the Hanafite-Mu tazilites in the eleventh century see H. Halm "Der Wesir al-Kunduri und die Fitna von Nishapur" in Die Welt des Orients vol 6 (1971), pp.205-33; see also idem Die Ausbreitung der safi'itischen Rechtsschule von den Anfängen bis zum 8/14 Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden 1974) pp 32-42.
10. = "The Malâmatîyya Epistle ; henceforth abbreviated as "M E." There is a French translation of this work by Roger Deladriére: Sulamî: La Luiciditê Implacable (Épître des hommes du blâme), (Paris Arlêa 1991).
11. Although Bulliet does not include the Sulamîs among the 'Patricians' of Nîshapûr, several Sulamîs are enlisted among the Qâdîs of Nîshapûr (see Appendix II pp.256-9).' starting with one Abû Amr Hafs al-Sulamî who died in 209/824. Abû 'Abd Al-Rahman al-Sulamî is mentioned as the Sufi teacher of several sons of so called 'Patrician' families, including Abû al-Qâsim 'Abd al-Karîm al Qushayrî, the author of the famous Risâla or Epistle on Sufism (see Ibid p. 152); see also E. Kohlberg's edition of Sulamî's Jawâmi' âdâb al-sûfîyya and 'Uyûb al-nafs wa mudâwâtuhâ, (Jerusalem 1976) pp. 7-8 and Gerhard Bowering "The Qur'ân Commentary of al-Sulamî" in (eds ) W. B. Hallaq & D. Little, Islamic Studies Presented to Charles J. Adams (Leiden: Brill 1991) pp 43-45.
12. On Abû 'Amr Ismâ'îl ibn Nujayd al-Sulamî (d 366/977), see Abû 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sulamî, Tabaqât al-sûfîyya, p.454 and the sources cited. The only two teachers who are explicitly referred to by Sulamî in the Tabaqât as "malâmatîs" are his grandfather Ismâ'îl and Hamdûn al-Qassâr (see also note 34 below).
13. Der Islam, Vol.8, (1917-18).
14. Z.D.M.G. (1918), pp.193-198.
15. Published: Cairo 1945, which includes a non-critical edition of al-Sulamî's Risâlat al-malâmatiyya.
16. Published: Cairo 1969.
17. Published: Oxford 1971.
18. R.N. Frye, The Histories of Nîshapûr, (Harvard Oriental Series No. 45, The Hague 1965). Al-Hâkim al-Naysâbûrî himself was a disciple of Abû 'Abd al-Rahmân al-Sulamî: see E. Kohlberg, op. cit., p.8; The Cambridge History of Iran, IV, (1975). pp. 471-2.
19. The second text is a sequel to the Ta'rîkh composed by 'Abd al-Ghâfir ibn Ismâ'îl al-Fârisî (d. 529/1134) entitled Kitâb al-Siyâq li-ta'rîkh Naysâbûr and it covers the fifth/eleventh century. The third text is by Ibrâhîm ibn Muhammad al-Sârifinî (d. 641/1243) and is entitled Muntakhab min K. al-Siyâq) ("Selected excerpts from the Siyâq"). For our purposes therefore only the first text is of relevance. The Muntakhab has since been edited and published by Muhammad Kâzim al-Mahmûdî under the title of Al-Halqa al-'ûlâ min ta'rîkh Naysâbûr al-muntakhab mina 'l-Siyâq (see note 5 above).
20. On Abû Bakr Muhammad ibn Musa al Wasiti see Sulamî s Tabaqat p 302 idem, M.E., pp.98,105; al-Sarrâj, Kitâb al Luma', see index; Kitâb Ahwal-i Nishâ-pûr f. 27a, line 18: "Muhammad ibn Mûsâ al-Wâsitî Abû Bakr al-Sûfi [known for] his mystical experiences (sâhib al-ahwâl), lived for a time in Naysâbûr then settled in Merv. . .and died there."
21. Note Bulliet's tables on pp.41-2, especially the significant increase in the number of "Sufis" between the years of 314/926 and 335/946 (p. 41, n. 22). However, Bulliet's interpretation of the statistical data, that "from the ninth/third century to the twelfth/sixth, there was a late starting but extremely rapid growth in the specifically mystic Sufi current which absorbed to some degree the earlier ascetic and pietistic currents" (pp.42-43) is based on the understanding that "Sufi" was the only epithet designating a Muslim 'mystic'. On the evidence from the Nîshâpûrî groups which calls for a modification of such an interpretation, see sections IV-VI below.
22. The last two decades have seen a growing interest in the study of the religious groups in mediaeval Khurâsân: Jaqueline Chabbi has used the above as well as other sources in her wide-ranging and profound analysis, written primarily from the point of view of social history: "Remarques sur le developpement historique des mouvements ascetiques et mystiques au Khurasan."' in Studia Islamica, Vol.46 (1977); Josef Van Ess has published the first three volumes of his encyclopedic work: Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra, (Berlin/New York 1990-92), and Wilfred Madelung has published his Religious Trends in Early Islamic Iran, Columbia Lectures on Iranian Studies 4, (New York: SUNY Press 1988). On works concerning the Karrâmiyya, see below: note: 47.
23. See above, note 4.
24. Abû Nasr Mutahhar Ibn Tâhir al-Muqaddasî, Kitâb al-Bad' wa'l-ta'rîkh (Beirut: n.d.), vol.5, p.148. According to F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums (Leiden 1967). I, p.337, the book was written in 355/966.
25. According to the Introduction of the Tabaqât, Sulamî sets out to record the biographies of the arbâb al-ahwâl, a very general term for Muslim mystics, namely: those who have mystical experiences. He starts off with the successors of the tâbi'û al-tâbi'în and finishes with his contemporaries. In his introduction to the M.E., on the other hand, he explicitly distinguishes between the "Sufis," to whom he refers as God's elect (khâssa), and the "Malâmatîs," whom he refers to as the "elect of the elect" (khâssat al-khâssa).
26. According to the introduction of the Tabaqât, Sulamî sets out to record the biographies of the arbâb al-ahwâl, a very general term for Muslim mystics, namely: those who have mystical experiences. He starts off with the successors of the tâbi'û al-tâbi'in and finishes with his contemporaries. In his introduction to the M.E., on the other hand, he explicitly distinguishes between the "Sufis," to whom he refers as God's elect (khâssa), and the "Malâmatîs," whom he refers to as the "elect of the elect" (khâssat al-khâssa).
27. On Abû Qâsim al-Junayd (d. 910), see Ali Hassan Abdel-Kader, The Life, Personality, and Writings of al- Junayd: A Study of a Third/Ninth Century Mystic with an Edition and Translation of his Writings, (London: Luzac & Co., E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series 1976); see also Sarrâj, Kitâb al-Luma' fi al tasawwuf, ed R.A. Nicholson (Leiden 1914), Index. On Abû Muhammad Ja'far ibn Muhammad al-Khuldî see Sulamî, Tabaqât al-sûfîyya, p.434; Sarrâj, op. cit., index. On his affiliation to Junayd, see also J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford University Press 1973), Appendix A, p.261.
28. On the 'archetypal' Baghdadi/Junaydi line vs. the Khurâsânî/Bistâmî line, see Trimingham, op. cit, pp. 51ff.
29.Tabaqât al-sûfiyya, edited by N. Shariba, (Cairo 1953), p.434.
30.See above, note 21.
31.... minhu intashara [sic] tarîqat al-tasawwuf bi-naysâbûr, Tabaqât, p.170.
32. See Hujwîrî, Kashf al-Mahjûb, trans. R.A. Nicholson, (London: Luzac & Co. 1936), chap. 14, pp. 176-266; cf. the passage quoted above from Abû Tâhir al-Muqaddasî's Kitâb al-Bad' wa'l-târîkh. Also see note 25 above.
33. Note the telling attempt of Abû Nasr al-Sarrâj, in one of the introductory chapters of his Kitâb al-Lumâ', to defend the use of the name sûfiyya against the accusation of innovation: "The argument that [the name sûfi] is an innovation invented by the Baghdadis is absurd, since the name was known at the time of Hasan al-Basrî..." (eds. 'Abd al-Halîm Mahmûd and Abd al-Bâqî Surûr, Cairo/Baghdad 1960, p.42). Sarrâj's testimony, even if taken at face value, strongly suggests that the adjective sûfi originally, possibly since pre-Islamic times, had designated a [solitary] ascetic wearing wool; and that subsequently it was adopted by the Baghdadis [probably of Junayd's circle] as the collective denomination for Muslim mystics.
34. On the curious sûfîyyat al-mu 'tazila, see J. van Ess (ed), Frühe Mu 'tazilitische Häresiographie, Zwei Werke des Nâshi' al-Akbar (g. 293 H.), (Beirut 1971), p 50 (text) and pp.43-44 of the introduction; see also idem., Theologie und Gesellschaft, Vol.4 (forthcoming), 4.2.3: Später Verträter der Sûfîyat al-Mu 'tazila, in section 4.2 entitled "Bagdader Mu 'taziliten" (this reference accords with the contents given in Vol.1 of the op. cit.).
35. Of all the Nîshâpûrî teachers it is Hamdûn al-Qassâr alone who is accorded the attribute Malâmatî by all of the following hagiographers: Sulamî (Tabaqât, pp. 123, 129); Abû Nu'aym al-Isfahânî in the Hilyat al-awliyâ, 10 vols., (Cairo 1932-38), vol.10, p.231; Qushayrî in the Risâla (p.19) and Hujwîrî in the Kashf al-mahjûb. The latter dedicates a whole chapter to the topic of "Blame" (chap. 6, pp.62-9), where he says: "The doctrine of Blame was spread abroad in this sect by the Shaykh of his age Hamdûn Qassâr (p.66); likewise he dedicates a separate section to the "Qassâris" or followers of Hamdûn Qassâr (pp. 183ff.), in which he writes: "Hamdun's doctrine was the manifestation and divulgation of 'blame' (malâmat)." Hamdûn is also mentioned in the Ahwâl-i Nishâpûr, f. 21b-22a and f. 70a, but with no reference to the epithet Malâmatî.
36. According to information culled from the Tabaqât, the following list of Hamdûn Qassâr's close circle may be drawn: (1) 'Abdullâh ibn Muhammad ibn Munâzil (d. 331/943)-Tabaqât, pp. 123, 366ff; and see also Qushayrî, Risâla, p.26; (2) Abû 'Ali ibn 'Abd al-Wahhâb al-Thaqafî (d. 328/940) - most probably a direct disciple of Ibn Munâzil (-Tabaqât, pp.366, 369); and see also M.E., p.118; Qushayri, Risâla, p.26; (3) Abû Bakr Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Farrâ' (d. 370/980) -probably the main disciple of Thaqafî and Ibn Munâzil - see Tabaqât, pp.507-8; Qushayrî names him as Muhammad Ibn Ahmad "al-Malâmati" (Risâla, p.20); al-Farrâ' was one of Sulamî's direct informants (see, e.g. M.E., p. 116).
37. The list of the immediate circle of Abû 'Uthmân, as culled from the Tabaqât, is naturally more extensive; here are the names of a few disciples only: Mahfûz ibn Mahmûd (d. 304/916), who probably became the successor of Abû 'Uthmân (see Tabaqat, pp. 273-4, 417, 501; also M.E., p.102); Abû Muhammad al-Murta'ish (d. 328/940) - see Tabaqât, p.349; Abû Muhammad 'Abdullâh al-Râzî (d. 353/964) - see Tabaqât, p.451, Kitâb Ahwâl-i Nishâpûr, f. 70a; M.E., p. 119; Abu 'Amr Ismâ'îl ibn Nujayd al-Sulamî, one of the closest disciples of Abû 'Uthmân - see Tabaqât, p. 454. In the Kitâb al-Luma' the latter seems to feature as Sarrâj's direct transmitter of sayings ascribed to Abû 'Uthmân - see K. al-Luma', pp. 103, 208, 277.
38. Kashfal-Mahjûb, p. 183.
39. On the distinction between vocal and non-vocal dhikr, see Muhammad Isa Waley's essay in this volume(Classical Persian Sufism: from its Origins to Rumi edited by Leonard Lewisohn.) - ED.
40. M.E., pp. 91-92.
41. See Hujwîrî, Kashf al-Mahjûb, pp. 132-4; on Abû 'Uthmân Sa'îd ibn Ismâ'îl al-Hîrî see also Sulamî, Tabaqât, p. 170ff. On Abû Hafs 'Amr ibn Salama al-Haddâd al-Naysâbûrî (d. 260/874), see Sulamî, Tabaqât, p. 115ff; both Abû Hafs and Abû 'Uthmân are mentioned in the Ahwâl-i Nishâpûr (f. 70a) among the Nîshâpûrî sages (mashâyikh) without any reference to either 'Sufi' or 'Malâmati'. On the special relationship hetween Abû Hafs and Abû 'Uthmân see also Sarrâj, Kitâb al-Luma', p. 177.
42. M.E., p.103.
43. M.E., p.106.
44. Thus, e.g. Abû Muhammad al-Murta'ish, Abû 'Amr al-Zajjâji, 'Ali ibn Bundâr - according to Sulamî's Tabaqât.
45. M.E., p.89.
46. On this anti-zuhdi attitude in early Islam, see the author's "Wa-rahbâniyyatan ibtada'ûhâ - An Analysis of Traditions Concerning the Origin and Evaluation of Christian Monasticism," in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, vol. 13, (1990).' pp.195-208.
47. The intriguing dialectic between 'mysticism' and 'asceticism' in the Sufi tradition deserves a separate discussion. Suffice it to mention here the reluctance of Sufîs to accept at face value the etymological derivation of sûfi from sûf (= wool, woolen garment), preferring the more linguistically awkward derivation from safâ' (= purity). See, for example the opinions voiced by Hujwîrî (Kashf al-Mahjûb, pp. 30ff): Qushayri (Risâla, bâb fi'l-tasawwuf, p.126). A warning that the ascetic custom of wearing rough wool or a patched garment might become "ostentatious" (shuhra) is voiced by Muhâsibî (d. 243/857) in his Al-Masâ'il fi a'mâl al-qulûb wa'l-jawârih, (Cairo 1969), pp. 103ff); see, e.g., p. 108: "I would beware of ostentation (shuhra) [in wearing ascetic-like clothes] lest it should corrupt the hearts so that they become contrived or conceited or arrogant or domineering..." In this vein it is related by Muhâsibî that Sa'id ibn al-Musayyib, one of the tâbi'ûn, when asked about the type of clothing that should be worn by pious Muslims, said; "Purify your heart and wear whatever you like!" Hakîm Tirmidhî (d. ca. 295/908) attacks vehemently the so-called ascetics (al-mutazahhidûn): see, e.g. his Naw'âdir al-usûl, (Istanbul 1294/1877), p.64, where he comments on "those who seemingly abstain from the things of this world for the sake of appearances and reputation. . . thinking that abstention (zahâda) means vilifying the world, eating from refuse, wearing wool [!], disparaging the rich and celebrating the poor..." Also cf. the dictum ascribed to Bayâzîd Bistâmî: "Three [types] of men are the most obscured from God: the scholar (al- 'âlim) by his erudition, the pious worshipper (al- 'âbid) by his piety.' and the ascetic (al-zâhid) by his asceticism.'.' (M.E., pp.96-7). Many more references can he adduced from the wide range of Sufi works.
48. On the Karrämiyya in Khurâsân, see C.E. Bosworth in El2: "Karrâmiyya," IV, pp. 667-9; idem, "'The Rise of the Karämiyya [sic] in Khuräsân," Muslim World, (1960).' pp. 6-14; R.W. Bulliet, The Patricians of Nishapur, pp. 62-4; J. Van Ess, Ungenutzte Texte zur Karramiya, Eine Materialsammlung, (Heidelberg 1980); W. Madelung. "Sufism and the Karrämiyya" in Religious Trends, pp. 39-53.
49. See also K. al-Ansâb, s.v. Khânqâhî.
50. Tabaqât al-Shâfi'iyya, (Cairo 1964). Vol.2, pp. 304-5. Cf. J. Van Ess Theologie un Gesellschaft, Vol.2, p. 609ff.
51. Rijâl: i.e., those who have attained the rank of 'spiritual manhood' (rujûliyya); see notes 56-57.
52. Sam'ânî, Kitâb al-Ansâb, p. 159 (quoted by 'Affifi, Malâmatiyya, p. 38); see also J. Van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft, Vol.2, p. 610.
53. On Ahmad ibn Harb, see J. Van Ess, op. cit., p.609.
54. On chivalry and Sufism during this period, see above, pp.549-81.-ED.
55. See, e.g. R. Hartmann, "Futuwwa und Malâma" in Z.D.M.G., (1918), pp.193- 8; F. Taeschner, "Der Anteil des Sufismus an der Formung des Futuwwideals" in Der Islam Vol.24 (1937)" pp. 43-74; idem, "Futuwwa" in E.I. 2, Vol. 2, pp. 961- 969 and the sources cited there. See also J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, p. 24; M. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (Chicago & London: University ofChicago 1974-77). II. pp. 126ff.
56. M.E., p.94. Likewise Sulamî (M.E., p.109) recounts how Bishr al-Hâfi (= the Barefoot) one day knocked at the door of one of the Shaykhs. "Who is it?" a voice asked. "It is I... Bishr al-Hâfî.' he replied. The Shaykh's daughter replied: "If you had bought yourself a pair of sandals for two dâniqs, you would have gotten rid of this name (lau ishtarayta na'la bidâniqayn lasaqata 'anka hâdhâ al-ism)."
57. M.E., p.95. Cf. also Sulamî's adage: "He who abides by the right rules of conduct during the occurrence of mystical states has reached the stage of 'men.' (man lazima âdâb al-awqât balagha mablagh al-rijâl)" (Tabaqât, p. 119).
58. nash 'a bil-l-rayy fatan; in baqiya 'alâ tarîqatihi wa-simatihi sâra ahada al-rijâl -Ibid., p.288.
59. M.E., p.96.
60. In the chapter "On Blame" in the Kashf al-Mahjûb (pp. 68-9), Hujwîrî relates a personal anecdote as an illustration of the state of equanimity towards both praise and blame which he had realized through being subjected to abuse by fellow Sufis.
61. M.E., p.90.
62. Ibid., p. 91.
63. Ibid., p. 92.
64. Ibid., p. 96.
65. Ibid., p. 103.
66. Ibid., p. 104.
67. On Tirmidhî's mystical affiliation, cf. B. Radtke's essay above, pp. 483-96.-Ed.
68. Kashf al-Mahjûb, p.229.
69. See A.J. Arberry (tr.) Muslim Saints and Mystics: Episodes from the Tadhkirat al-Auliya' ("Memorial of the Saints") by Farid al-Din Attar (London: RKP 1979 rprt.), pp. 244ff.
70. See his "Answer to a letter from Rayy", in which he seems to respond to an anguished correspondent who feels he has regressed in his spiritual path after having met which a so-called teacher. Tirmidhî's response is: "This is what happens when one searches for the Creator by means of a created heing." (hâkadhâ yakûnu sha'nu man yatlub al-khâliq bi'l-makhluq). -B. Radtke, Drei Schriften des Theosophen von Tirmid, (Beirut 1992), pp.171-2 (Arabic section).
71. I prefer to read here M'DTH (ma'idatuhu = his stomach) rather than M'RQH as in Radtke's edition.
72.See B. Radtke, op. cit., p. 191 (Arabic section).
73. Ibid., pp.191-2 (Arabic).
74. See Sulamî, Tabaqât. pp.212-16, and the sources mentioned there.
75.Tabaqât pp.212-3.
76. For letters of Abû 'Uthmân to Muhammad ibn al-Fadl see Sulamî, M.E., p.106; Qushayrî, Risâla, p.25.
77. See S. Sviri, "The Mystical Psychology of al-Hakîm al-Tirmidhî," Ph.D. Thesis, (TeI-Aviv 1979); in Hebrew and Arabic; Vol.2, pp.77-86 (Arabic section).
78. (MS. Leipzig, f. 66a-68b); Ibid., pp. 82ff. (Arabic).
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